By Jock Mulligan
The United Kingdom, once held together with spit, stubbornness, and a fair bit of historical coercion, is unraveling faster than a cheap Penny’s January Sales jumper. And it’s not some foreign agitator or a few angry Celts doing the pulling; no, it’s the very heart of the thing, the English political establishment, driven by a lurch to the far-right, that’s busy hacking away at the threads. The UK as we know it is on life support, and it’s the Tories, and their new vehicle, Farage’s Reform, with their flag-waving jingoism and their contempt for anything beyond the M25, who are pulling the plug.
This isn’t just about nationalism, not entirely. It’s about a fundamental clash of material interests and political ideologies. The lurch to the far-right in England, epitomised by Brexit and its aftermath, has created an ideological chasm so wide that Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland are staring into it and seeing their futures disappear.
Marx himself warned about the destructive nature of unfettered, insular nationalism, especially when tied to the interests of the ruling class. He spoke of how the bourgeoisie uses national divisions to control the working class. Here, the English far-right, in its pursuit of a particular vision of “sovereignty” and an imagined past, has imposed a future that simply doesn’t align with the democratic will or economic needs of the other nations. They’ve essentially told Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland: “Your distinct social democratic values, your European ties, your peace process – they all play second fiddle to our imperial nostalgia.”
The Anarchic Disruption of the Centre
This centralising, right-wing agenda acts like a Bricriu-esque (remember him from my last wee bit for the Ungaggeds?) disruptor, isn’t it? It sows discord not through whispers, but through policy. The promises of Brexit, sold on a diet of grievance and a romanticised past, ignored the clear consequences for these other nations.
Bakunin, your man the anarchist, always argued against the centralised state, seeing it as inherently oppressive and destructive of local autonomy and diverse communities. He’d have a field day with the current pish. The English right’s vision of a powerful, unitary British state, dictating terms from Westminster, is precisely the kind of centralisation he railed against. It suffocates the distinct political and social developments in Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland. When Scotland votes overwhelmingly to remain in the EU and is dragged out anyway, that’s not democratic union; that’s political coercion. Bakunin would see it as a power grab, eroding self-determination.
Connolly and Maclean: The Spirit of Self-Determination
Scotland’s own, and Ireland’s hero, James Connolly, who understood the intertwining of national liberation and class struggle, would recognise this moment instantly. He knew that true liberation couldn’t come from being tied to an imperial power that disregarded the welfare and democratic will of its constituent parts. He saw the necessity for each nation to forge its own path, to escape the economic and political stranglehold of a dominant power.
And let’s not forget Dominie John Maclean, the “Bolshevik of Glasgow,” a Scottish socialist and anti-imperialist. He foresaw how the interests of the working class in Scotland would diverge from those dictated by London. He advocated for an independent Scottish socialist republic, precisely because he understood that the imperialist tendencies of the British state would always undermine the progressive aspirations of Scotland. Maclean would see the current English right-wing swing as the ultimate proof of his arguments – a further demonstration that Scotland’s future could never be truly socialist or democratic while tethered to such a reactionary centre.
Modern Voices of Discontent
The evidence is clear in the words of the politicians from these nations. They’re not just grumbling; they’re laying out a clear case for departure.
Nicola Sturgeon, the former First Minister of Scotland, repeatedly highlighted the democratic deficit: “To be taken out of the EU against our will is a democratic outrage. Scotland must have the right to choose our own future.” This isn’t just rhetoric; it’s a direct challenge to the legitimacy of the Union when a dominant partner ignores the clear mandate of another.
In Wales, Adam Price, the former leader of Plaid Cymru, has often spoken of the need for Wales to define its own economic future, unhindered by Westminster’s priorities. “The current relationship with Westminster is not delivering for Wales. We need the tools to build a fairer, more prosperous nation, and that often means diverging from the path England is taking.” This speaks to the economic and social divergence, a rejection of being a junior partner in a regressive project.
And in Northern Ireland, the delicate peace process, so hard-won, has been continually threatened by Brexit’s impact on the border and the Good Friday Agreement. Michelle O’Neill, the First Minister, has made it clear: “The Protocol is a direct consequence of Brexit, which Northern Ireland did not vote for. We must protect our peace and our place in the European single market.” The English far-right’s hard-line stance on Brexit has jeopardised the very fabric of peace in Northern Ireland, pushing it closer to a united Ireland.
The Unavoidable Rupture
The English swing to the far-right, with its embrace of an insular, nationalist, and often anti-European agenda, has fatally undermined the common ground upon which the United Kingdom was built. It has consistently prioritised a narrow, English-centric vision over the diverse democratic choices and economic needs of Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland. The very forces that once held the Union together—a nod towards a shared sense of Britishness, economic alignment, and a degree of political consensus—have been shattered by a right-wing ideology that tolerates no dissent and brooks no alternative visions.
As the political pendulum in England swings further to the right, it acts as a centrifugal force, flinging the constituent nations away from a centre that no longer represents them. The lessons of Marx, Bakunin, Connolly, and Maclean ring truer than ever: when the dominant power acts against the interests and democratic will of its partners, the rupture becomes not just inevitable, but necessary. The UK, in its current form, is a ship taking on water, and it’s the crew in the engine room, driven by a misguided ideology, who are drilling the holes.
