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Who radicalised poverty?

By Indybag 

The Thatcherite and subsequent right wing political project that began in 1979 has had a singular, brutal goal: to crush the working class. This wasn’t some unfortunate byproduct of economic change; it was a deliberate, ideological war on the very fabric of communities, on people’s livelihoods, and on their collective power. The right and conservatism in the UK haven’t just presided over the impoverishment of working people—they’ve actively engineered it.

​Thatcher’s War on the Workers

​Margaret Thatcher didn’t just want to ‘modernize’ Britain; she wanted to dismantle the industrial heartlands and break the trade unions that gave workers a voice. The assault on the coal industry, symbolized by the 1984 miners’ strike, was a political act of vengeance. The aim was to destroy the power base of the organized working class. As the mines and factories shut down, entire communities were left to rot, their skills deemed worthless in the new, ruthless economy. The jobs that replaced them were low-paid, insecure, and devoid of the democratic power that unions once provided. This was a class war, plain and simple, and the working class lost.

Privatisation and a Culture of Greed

​This attack on industry was mirrored by the sell-off of public services. Privatisation was framed as a way to increase efficiency, but in reality, it was a gigantic transfer of wealth from the public to private shareholders. Our public transport—from buses to trains—was broken up and sold off, not for our benefit, but for profit. Fares have soared while services have become fragmented and unreliable. Housing was sold off through the Right to Buy, without a plan to replace it, creating a national housing crisis that has forced millions into a precarious private rental market. In this new world, everything became a commodity, and those without money were left behind.

​The Financial Crash and the Great Austerity Con

​The shift to a financialised economy was a disaster waiting to happen. The greed and reckless speculation that led to the 2008 subprime mortgage crisis collapsed the world’s markets. But who was made to pay for it? Not the bankers, whose institutions were bailed out with our money. Instead, the Cameron-Osborne government imposed austerity, a cruel and ideological choice to make the poorest in society pay for the crimes of the richest. Public services were gutted, welfare was slashed, and the state’s responsibility to its citizens was replaced with the absurd notion of “The Big Society.” It was a lie—an expectation that communities, already reeling from decades of neglect, could somehow fill the gaping void left by the state.

​Brexit and the Scapegoating of the Vulnerable

​This decades-long campaign of impoverishment has had a toxic political consequence: Brexit. It was a howl of rage from communities that had been left behind. The promise to “take back control” resonated because for decades, working people had felt like they had no control over their own lives. But instead of directing that anger at the wealthy elite who profited from their misery, the far right and their media allies successfully redirected it. They have masterfully weaponized working-class pain, blaming immigrants, refugees, and trans people for the country’s problems. It’s a classic divide-and-rule strategy, ensuring that the working class remains fragmented, angry, and unable to unite against the real architects of their poverty: the powerful and the privileged.

Edit: I have been challenged on social media about this article. I wrote this in answer to the usual, ‘Thatcher was pro-Europe.”

“The roots of Brexit are buried deep in Thatcherism, and you can’t understand one without the other. Thatcher’s grand plan wasn’t just about economic reform; it was a wrecking ball taken to communities, especially the ones that powered our heavy industry. She smashed the unions and left entire towns to rot, sowing the seeds of resentment and neglect that would fester for decades. At the same time, she started a shouting match with Europe, always making sure to paint it as an enemy to be fought, not a partner to be worked with. That potent mix—deep-seated economic grievance at home and constant anti-Europe rhetoric—was a time bomb. Years later, when politicians needed someone to blame for the mess Thatcher’s policies had left behind, the EU was the perfect scapegoat, and the working-class people who had been failed for so long fell for it hook, line, and sinker.”

References:

Poverty and Social Exclusion: “A more unequal country?”  and Oxfam’s “The true cost of austerity and inequality: UK case study”  provide data on rising inequality and poverty since 1979.

​Thatcherism and Industry: The Trades Union Congress (TUC) blog “Defending the right to strike: lessons from GCHQ”  and the academic paper “The Legacy of Thatcherism”  detail the deliberate weakening of trade unions and the shift towards market-based economics.

​Privatization of Public Services: The report “The living legacy of privatisation in the United Kingdom”  from the Transnational Institute and a briefing paper from the UK Parliament  document the scale and effects of privatization on sectors like energy and transport.

​Austerity: Reports from the TUC (“AUSTERITY UNCOVERED,”  and the University of Cambridge (“THE ECONOMICS OF AUSTERITY,”  analyze the disproportionate impact of austerity policies on the working class.

​Brexit: The Joseph Rowntree Foundation report “Brexit vote explained: poverty, low skills and lack of opportunities”  links the Brexit vote to economic deprivation and a sense of being left behind.

​Far-Right Scapegoating: Academic works like “The Scapegoat and the British Far-Right in Historical and Contemporary Context” and recent Guardian articles detail how the far right uses a narrative of blame against marginalized groups to weaponize working-class discontent.

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